By Owei Lakemfa
MET a former Member of the House of Representatives about five weeks ago. He had established a huge institution with sprawling structures. He said as an Honourable he found himself receiving N7 million monthly. He quickly decided to establish the institution. So, monthly, he went to his home town and poured the funds into the project. By the time his tenure came to an end, he had all that was necessary in place.
The Honourable’s revelation was
a well-guarded secret as Nigerians are not supposed to know the income of their
representatives in the National Assembly, NASS. This may be so because the
figures are subversive of good governance.
However, his narration fitted
into the revelation in March 2018 by Senator Shehu Sani that each Senator was
being paid a monthly salary of N750,000 with allowances totalling N13.5
million. It meant that the then monthly package of each Distinguished Senator
of the Federal Republic was N14.25 million monthly.
That was about $40,000 monthly
or some $480,000 per annum. In comparison, Senators of the United States, the
richest and most powerful country on earth, were each earning $174,000 per
annum.
There was an uproar. Senator
Sani was criticised by his colleagues not because he told a lie against them.
Rather, the issue was that he revealed a tightly guarded secret that could lead
to incitement.
This revelation led to three
suits being filed. Justice Chuka Obiozor of the Federal High Court in
consolidating the suits, on June 4, 2021 ruled that the remuneration was
illegal as the NASS has no power whatsoever to fix its salaries and allowances.
He ordered a downward review of the legislators income.
It was assumed that the law
makers would obey the Constitution, the laws of the land and the court judgment.
However, in the last one month,
former President Olusegun Obasanjo revealed that the NASS was still fixing its
own emoluments and paying itself bogus allowances.
The Senate came after Obasanjo,
guns blazing. It characterised his accusation as “uncharitable and satanic”.
The Red Chamber Spokesman,
Senator Yemi Adaramodu, Ekiti South, accused the former President of attempting
to “crucify the legislature by the centurions of political hypocrisy”. I am
still in search of the Distinguished to explain if this is English language, a
literary translation of Ekiti dialect, or parliamentary privilege that grants
him immunity to fire nuclear-guided grammatical missiles from the sanctuary of
the hallowed chambers.
Then Senator Sani threw a
bombshell; rather than reduce their emoluments as ordered by the courts three
years ago, the Distinguished Senators of the Federal Republic had actually
ballooned them from N14.5 million to N21 million monthly!
He was presented as a blatant
liar by no less a dignitary than the Chairman of the Revenue Mobilisation
Allocation and Fiscal Commission, RMAFC, Mohammed .B. Shehu, a recipient of the
Order of the Federal Republic, OFR, the third highest national honour in the
country. He is, indeed, the highest authority in the land on the salaries and
emoluments of public office holders as he presides over the agency responsible
for the revenues accruing to and disbursement of such funds from the Federal
Account.
The Chairman claimed that “each
Senator collects a monthly salary and allowances of the sum of N1,063,860:00…”
He then mumbled that “some allowances are regular while others are
non-regular”. That is not the issue, rather, it is what are the monthly
emoluments paid a Nigerian Senator?
So, do we believe this RMAFC
Chairman or serving Senator Sumaila Kawu, Kano South, who on August 14, 2024
responded on BBC radio: “My monthly salary is less than N1 million (but) in the
Senate, each Senator gets N21 million every month as running cost.”
Does the Commission Chairman
expect anybody to believe him that the total monthly entitlement which accrues
to a Senator is N1,063,860 when we are all witnesses to the fact that each
legislator was allocated a Toyota SUV with a minimum N130 million price tag?
If all a Senator takes is a
monthly N22 million, the cries from the public might not have been so strident.
But the truth is that the legislators take far more than that from the national
purse. For instance, the NASS annually pads the national budget.
Then President Muhammadu Buhari
accused the National Assembly of padding the 2018 Budget by introducing 6,403
projects of their own, amounting to N578 billion. He also claimed legislators
smuggled 6,576 new projects into the 2022 Budget.
When Senator Abdul Ningi of PDP
Bauchi, claimed the NASS padded the 2024 Budget by N3.7 trillion or over 10 per
cent of the N28.78 trillion budget, he was hounded out of the Senate and
suspended on March 12, 2024. He was recalled after ten weeks based on pleadings
that he had learnt his lessons.
Also, legislators were
allocated constituency projects with some individuals netting billions of
Naira. The process is so opaque that, until now, the precise amount allocated
each constituency has not been made public.
The question is: must democracy
be so costly that we virtually have to empty the Central Bank to pay the
emoluments of political office holders?
If the basic duties of the NASS
are law making, representation and oversight, is that arm of government not
overpriced? Doubtlessly, if we scrap either the Senate or the House of
Representatives, the quality of legislation we are getting will not reduce.
But does high cost translate to
quality service? A comparison between the Cuban Senate and the Nigerian Senate
puts a lie to this. Senators in the former do not get paid for their
legislative work which is considered as patriotic service to the country. If a
Cuban Senator wants to research a matter, he asks a university to do it for
him. Yet, the quality of legislative work by the Cubans is not inferior to that
of the Nigerians.
So, while the Cuban is freely
voted for, the Nigerian Senator virtually pays the electorate to vote for him.
The amount of funds available to the Nigerian parliamentarian is so much that
in many cases, mini wars are waged to get elected.
The legal and ‘cornered’ funds
flowing freely in the NASS may also be why governors find it one of the best
places to retire after their tenure in office.
We cannot continue like this
without endangering the democratic project and instigating the populace to
insurrection.
The immediate step the NASS can
take is to reduce parliamentarian emoluments and allowances to legal and
constitutional levels. The second, is to stop corruption-inducing programmes
like ‘constituency projects’ and the tradition of budget padding which, to me,
is a crime. By the way, who says parliament should not be part-time as it is in
practice? The ‘Ayes’ have it!
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